With Christmas fast approaching it is time to offer another update and another extract from ‘Highly Holy’, which is very nearly complete; just the conclusion and index remain, then proofing etc. I have brought together a large number of images to illustrate various themes and sites discussed in the text and, hopefully, the whole thing should be ready to purchase by Summer. The novel ‘The Heights of Perfection’ is now in layout and cover design phase, and should be ready to buy in the Spring. And then of course the layout needs to begin on ‘Last Feet in the Lane’! I hope you all have a lovely Christmas and a relaxing break over this Midwinter, and see you all in the new year.
Extract from Chapter Six – The Festive Cycle
Christmas Eve holds a variety of customs throughout the Pyrenees,[1] all of which lead up to the liturgical event commonly held by all parishes in every valley, that of Midnight Mass, known in French as ‘La Messe de Minuit’, in Spanish as ‘La Misa de Gallo’ and Catalan as ‘Missa del Gall’, the latter two meaning ‘Mass of the Rooster’ due to its lateness.[2] Up to the early twentieth century, three Masses were celebrated in Catalonia on Christmas Eve. The first was known as the ‘Missa del Gall’ (also known as the ‘Missa de l’Aurora’ or ‘Missa del Sol’), the second was called the ‘Missa dels Pastors’ and the third the ‘Missa de la Gent’. They were given these names due to the sequence of the ‘Adoration of Jesus’; the first being the that of the birds, the second of the shepherds and the third of the people of Bethlehem.[3] In many places it is traditional to drink thick, hot chocolate before leaving for the Midnight Mass, followed by a few sips of wine or spirits. Prior to Midnight Mass, a number of regional events take place across the Pyrenees. In Catalonia and, thanks to the predominant Catalan influence, the Pyrénées-Orientales, the presence of Pastorets and Pessebres are extremely common. Pastorets are theatrical productions which follow the story of the Nativity, often mixing humour and musical performances into the narrative.[4] The comedic tone of these performances is often in contrast with the religious celebration and are now performed in theatres, however previously it was common for them to take place in episodes throughout the service itself. These Pastorets have evolved from simple retellings of the birth of Jesus into lavish farces, frequently concentrating more on the antics of the shepherds (the protagonists of the story) and with a variable core of parallel stories such as the sale of a soul to the Devil, impossible love between a shepherd and shepherdess etc. The sources for many of these tales are found in the Golden Legend, apocryphal Gospels and also the Medieval mystery plays of the Christmas cycle (Officium Pastorum, Ordo Prophetarum, Ordo Stellae and Ordo Raphaelis). Many of these representations were enriched and embroidered over time, having maintained a fairly traditional structure up to the sixteenth century but becoming more elaborate between that point and the present day. The current Pastorets have all but relegated the mystery of Jesus’ birth to the background in favour of the antics and adventures of the two protagonist shepherds, each representing the universal duality of intelligence and reason on the one hand, and simplicity and narrow-mindedness on the other. Some of the grotesque and comical elements which accompany the shepherds as they make their way to the stable to venerate Jesus have disappeared over time, subject to various bans by the Church, such as the ‘doubting of Saint Joseph’, yet other aspects such as the ridicule of the Devil and some very tame blasphemies have survived.[5]
A Pessebre is a nativity scene made from small clay figures set against landscapes made from cork, moss, bark and other natural materials, similar to other nativity scenes created across the Christian world since the third century. The Catalan word ‘pessebre’ originally refers to the stable manger and there are records of nativity scenes in Catalonia from the thirteenth century. These were first present in convents and parish churches, however they gradually made their way into first aristocratic homes and then the homes of the middle and working classes. It is a testament to the popularity of these scenes in a domestic setting that, by the eighteenth century, the Fira de Santa Llúcia (Market of Saint Lucia) was founded in Barcelona, where one could purchase all the necessary figurines and backdrops needed to create a Pessebre in one’s home. A key feature of the Catalan nativity scene is the ‘caganer’, a character who is depicted defecating in the open air while wearing typical Catalan peasant costume with a white shirt, dark trousers, a red sash, a hat and smoking a pipe. He is crouched down, his buttocks exposed and often hidden under a bridge, behind a haystack or a rock, sometimes accompanied by a piglet which sniffs him out of curiosity, but always out of sight of the nativity stable itself and those figurines who have come to venerate the infant Jesus. It is customary to ask children to locate the caganer, giving a small reward to the one who finds him in the scene. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the caganer was not restricted to nativity scenes but also popular as a motif on tiles made by guilds, as well as in nineteenth-century romances. It has been suggested that his introduction into nativity scenes took place in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as part of the Baroque period’s focus on realism in art, particularly relating to village life, when working conditions, domestic and outdoor scenes were used as artistic themes. Catalan folklorist Joan Amades has suggested that his meaning lies in fertilising the earth and ensuring the nativity scene for the following year, as a symbol of luck and joy. Others have proposed other interpretations, such as a relation to the excesses of old pre-Christian feasts, an organic representation of the awe experienced by the shepherds when confronted by the angel, the cosmic indifference that contrasts with the spiritual motivation awakened by the greatest mystery of humanity, the birth of the Redeemer, the link between transcendence and contingency and, perhaps most reductively, the ‘other’ in an idyllic landscape, the Catalan character, since, despite the momentous events that occur at that moment, the character does not waste time and must save on fertilizer.[6]
The tradition of bringing in Christmas logs on Christmas Eve is an ancient one which like bears some crossover from pre-Christian festivities during this period. In the Basque Country both Christmas Eve and the log which burns in the hearth over this period is called ‘Olentzero’, which is also the name of a traditional Basque Christmas figure, said to descend from a race of giants[7] In some Basque villages, several logs are put on the fire on Christmas eve; one for God, one for the Virgin, one for All Saint’s Day, another for the owner of the house and one for each member of the family. All are lit at supper time and burnt until consumed, except for the one dedicated to God. This is removed before it is reduced to ashes and then kept until New Year’s Day, when it will be placed in the street, front of the main door, and then all who live in the house (including animals) will walk over it saying ‘Sarna fuera!’ (‘Mange out!’). This ritual is also practised in some of the more rural mountain villages of Navarre but on Christmas Eve itself, calling the log ‘Gabonzuzi’. It is also customary for the father of the house to bless the bread eaten on Christmas eve. In Burguete (Navarre) the two largest logs from the firewood store (often held in the courtyard of the house) are thrown on the fire. In Espinal (Navarre) they light four or five logs at dusk on Christmas Eve, calling them ‘Baztarrekos’, whereas in Isaba (Navarre) a log which was cut at the start of the year it burnt. In Ansó (Huesca) a log is loaded on to the hearth and kept burning all through the night, so as to keep the infant Jesus warm, and in Baraguás (Huesca) the largest log in the store is used, little by little, throwing ashes on top to make it last, to light each new hearth from Christmas Eve until Candlemas. When lighting this long-suffering log, the owner of the house would make the sign of the cross over it and then pour a stream of wine over it in the form of the cross with a ladle. In Gistaín (Huesca), the Christmas log was so enormous that two pairs of oxen would be employed to drag it from the forest, due to it having to last an entire year until the following Christmas Day. Before lighting this log (presumably the first section or chunk, as no hearth could accommodate an entire trunk), the owner of the house would have to say a short sermon, ending with the formula ‘Tizón de Navidad, tú eres el tronco de la casa!’ (‘Christmas log, you are the log of the house!’).[8] In El Pimendón (Huesca) there was a solemn ritual associated with lighting the log or ‘cabirón’; the head of the family would first bless the log and sprinkle it with turrón (almond) leaves which would produce a flash as soon as they caught fire, accompanied by the words ‘cabirón, cabirón, caga turrón!’. These customs are not dissimilar to those found in Provence, as described in Mistral’s famous poem ‘Mireia’, in which the owner of a farmhouse sprinkles his Christmas log with wine three times, then carry it around the house three times accompanied by his entire family carrying three candles, after which he gives a solemn sermon and requests the log grant good weather and bless both man and beast in the house. In Catalonia (and the French Cerdagne) this ritualised behaviour relating to Christmas logs has taken on an elaborate performance which relates particularly to children. The aforementioned Tío de Nadalis ‘fed’ and kept warm, typically with a blanket, which has the added benefit of hiding the small holes made by parents into which sweets are placed out of sight. Either on Christmas Eve or Christmas Day (the timing varies from household to household), the log is then beaten with sticks and commanded to defecate, the sweets then falling out of the holes to be collected by the children, who are sent to pray between beatings so that the log can be refilled without them seeing. In the Val d’Aran, the largest log from the woodshed is thrown on to the fire until midnight when, half-charred, it is recovered by the children of the house and covered with a cloth. The children then adjourn to a nearby room to pray, after which they would beat the log with sticks and hearth tongs. The sweets which had been secreted on the log by the parents during the children’s prayers then fall out. In La Seu d’Urgell, the Tío de Nadal would also yield bottles of liquor for the adults. In some villages in Conca del Tremp it was customary to keep the last remains of the burned Christmas log as an amulet against fire and disease.[9]
In Andorra, it was customary when leaving for Midnight Mass to make sure the fire was burning and that a chair was placed nearby in case the Virgin Mary might visit and wish to warm herself.[10] Much like the practises surrounding All Hallows Eve and All Saints’ Day,[11] there is a belief in some Pyrenean villages that the spirits of the dead make an appearance during Christmas Eve. In Larrabezua (Basque Country), ancestors are said to leave footprints in the ashes of the hearth, and in the Ariège one must provide for the spirits of the dead on Christmas Eve, traditionally leaving out a loaf with a knife driven into it while at Midnight Mass, in order that they might eat and not bother the household upon everyone’s return.[12] For example, in La Bastide-de-Sérou, the knife is stuck in the bread and then wrapped in a napkin, whereas in Gabre, the lady of the house sets aside a little of everything (bread, wine, beans etc.) so that the Infant Jesus will find something to eat when he comes into the world. In Montesquieu-Avantès the same is done but in order to placate angels, who if they find nothing become enraged and no longer protect the house. This is very similar to the Gascon customs of fairy meals left out over New Year’s Eve.[13] The Mass itself is often very crowded with the laity bringing instruments and singing carols. In many mountain villages from Aragon to Catalonia it was customary for shepherds to bring their sheep to the service, with the Huescan shepherds often covering their lambs in children’s clothing to keep them warm.[14] The church of Alquézar the service was accompanied by an organ, tambourines, ‘pulgaretas’ (tiny castanets moved with the thumb) and other instruments. In Pont de Suert (Catalonia), two children dressed as angels would keep the infant Jesus company at the altar and in western Pallars village of Bellanos (Catalonia) people would bring roosters which crowed along with the choir. In the neighbouring town of Benés (Catalonia) it was customary for shepherds to bring their lambs but only if they were black, and the richest households would bring cakes to be blessed and distributed among the congregation. At the stroke of midnight in Sarroca de Bellera (Catalonia), young men would be sent up to the bell tower to ring the bells until dawn, fuelled by brandy, wine and pastries, while neighbouring villages would arrive at the church holding lanterns to attend the Mass. During this village’s service children would play reed instruments to imitate the song of a nightingale, some members of the choir would rock a stone as if it were a new-born child and others would sing the carol ‘Noi de la Mare’. Similarly, in Montrós in the Flamisol valley (Catalonia) it was customary for young men to carry small birds to the Mass which they would release at the moment of worship, while shepherds brought sparrows which they offered on trays, who then flew away within the church during the service. In other areas of the Catalan Pyrenees the shepherds would bring a ram or lamb dressed up with ribbons and flowers, sometimes wearing a long cow bell and a candle on each horn, whilst ladies of wealthy households brought ring-shaped cakes called ‘redorts’ to be left on a pew in the presbytery, where it was blessed. In Arudy (Pyrénées-Atlantiques) shepherds would place their flock around the various churches, before entering and offering a lamb tied with ribbons to the priest, much like their earlier autumnal ‘Procession of the Sheep’.[15]
After Mass, many worshippers would stand around the church and drink hot chocolate or hot wine supplied by the parish, and in the Navarrese valley of Roncal young villagers used to go out into the street to play music, dance, stage mock battles and ring bells:
After the ‘Cock’s Mass’ at midnight, the men of Roncal make Rough Music in the streets – we remember that Carnival is thus ushered in in the once-Basque Val d’Aran – lighting great fires on the snow to the clashing of bells and saucepans. At home they burn the log, cut early in the year to be kept for this dawn, and go a-wassailing, half in Spanish, half in Basque […] Old Christmas night is given over to fights between villages, parties announcing their attack by ringing bells and threatening with sticks.[16]
In early twentieth-century Huesca it was common to see street revels after Midnight Mass, with groups of young people playing guitars and bandurrias.[17] In Somanés the entire town gathers to drink wine and sing carols around the streets and in both Pozán de Vero and Abiego a live nativity scene is staged, after which the donkey is ridden to each house in which someone is sick in order to with them well. In the aforementioned Bellanos, young men lit large bonfires in the square and jumped over them, similar to the tradition of Saint John’s Eve, and in Rialp (Catalonia) the villagers would grill meat or sausages over the fire. In La Junquera, San Lorenzo de la Muga and Agullano (Catalonia) it was customary for one to throw trees, carts, ploughs and anything else made from wood into the fire without being chastised for it. Other traditions included the singing of folk songs before saying the rosary, the observance of a day-long fast before Midnight Mass and blessing the Christmas log before eating empainazos following Mass. In the mountainous village Badaguás these were served spinach, pumpkin pastries, sweet acorns, roasted pears, dried figs, raisins, walnuts and dried apricots. This feasting was common throughout the region following the day and evening’s fast, with women kneading dough three of four days before Christmas Eve so that there might be bread, pastries, cakes and empanadas in the post-Mass meal.[18]
[1] Noche Buena (Spanish), Nit de Nadal (Catalan), Réveillon de Noël (French).
[2] It is worth noting that, for the Basques, Christmas celebrations begin on the 21st of December with the Feast of Saint Thomas (Santo Tomas), during which people take to the streets to dance, eat a corn flour flatbread known as Talo with Txistorra (a form of cured sausage similar to chorizo) and perform dances in traditional costumes. These clothes are known as caseras and are worn in honour of the mountain villagers who used to come to town on Saint Thomas’ day to sell their goods and pay their rents to local landlords.
[3] Dunkley, Peter, ‘What Andorrans do at Christmas’, in Andorra: Festivals, Traditions and Folklore. (Escaldes: Andorra Writers Circle, 1998), p. 126.
[4] In Provence, these are known as Pastorale and accompany the Mass itself.
[5] Martorell Coca, Josep, ‘Approche du Comique Carnavalesque dans le Théâtre Populaire Catalan de Source Médiéval’, in Carnival and the Carnivalesque,Konrad Eisenbichler & Wim Hüsken (Eds.) (Leiden: Brill Publishing, 2024), pp. 253 – 254.
[6] Arruga, Jordi & Mañà, Josep, El Caganer (Barcelona: Editorial Alta Fulla, 1992).
[7] The figure of Olentzero is posited as having pre-Christian origins within the Basque Country. He is commonly said to descend from a race of Basque giants, the jentillak, with some legends claiming that the giants, after throwing an old man from a cliff who did not wish to live through the Christian conversion, tripped and fell off the cliff themselves except for Olentzero, and other purporting that the other giants simply left and Olentzero was the only one who stayed and embraced Christianity. On Christmas Eve, Basque boys would typically fashion a guy-like figure to represent Olentzero, placing him in the chimney corner, a scythe in one hand and his head a created from a cauldron. His current role is to declare Christmas throughout the Basque country (despite being ‘banned’ by the Franco regime as a symbol of regional separatism), and leave presents next to each family’s shoes, the latter being neatly arranged in the centre of the room on Christmas eve. He is also said to descend from the mountains on a divine horse, presumably to make it around to each house in time during this single night. His post-Franco incarnation is a rather more sanitised and family-friendly version. Prior to his repression, Olentzero was in various Basque regions said to have either three eyes or blazing red eyes, and to cut the throats of children who did not go to bed or those who broke the tradition pre-Christmas fast with his sickle. See: Locker, Martin, The Tears of Pyrene (Andorra: Mons Culturae Press, 2019), p. 236.
[8] In Huesca, the Christmas log is also known as La Choca and its ash is traditionally kept to be spread on fields as fertiliser or on cloths as a lice preventative.
[9] Violant i Simorra, El Pirineo Español (Barcelona: Editorial Alta Fulla, 2003), pp. 558 – 560.
[10] Dunkley 1998, p. 126.
[11] These are explored later in this chapter.
[12] Gallop, Rodney, A Book of the Basques (London: Macmillan & Company, 1930), p. 254; Alford, 1937, p. 74.
[13] Vézian, Joseph, Carnets Ariégeois (Bordeaux: Éditions Sud Ouest, 2000), p. 76.
[14] This also happened in the Pallars, where lambing would take place between the Conception (8th December) and Christmas Eve, then again in the Spring. See: Violant i Simorra, Ramon, La Vida Pastoral al Pallars (Tremp: Garsineu Edicions, 2001), pp. 278 – 279.
[15] Violant i Simorra, El Pirineo Español (Barcelona: Editorial Alta Fulla, 2003), pp. 561 – 562.
[16] Alford, 1937, p. 137.
[17] The bandurria is a twelve-stringed member of the lute family, typically used in Spanish folk pieces known as ‘rondallas’.
[18] Violant i Simorra, 2003, p. 563.







